Posts Tagged ‘John de Balliol’

Henry III’s Fine Rolls Blog Sunday 4 November to Saturday 10 November 1257

Tuesday, November 13th, 2012

Henry’s itinerary for this week is revealed in the dating clauses of the writs enrolled on the fine rolls.

Henry began the week at Westminster and then went to Windsor.  In the fine roll business, one item stands out. This is the fine  (37 down in the above image and no.37 in the translation)  made by the baron, Peter de Maulay, lord of Doncaster and other lands in Yorkshire. Peter offered 60 marks (so £40) to be pardoned Henry’s indignation and rancour. He had incurred this through failing  either to muster personally or to send his due quota of knights to the king’s recent expedition to Wales. As a result, the sheriff of Yorkshire had been ordered to take his lands into the king’s hands. These were now to be restored to him.  Henry was arguably well within his rights in seizing Peter’s lands. After all,  Peter had failed in the most basic obligation of a baron, namely to provide the military service due from his barony.  It would be interesting to know, however, whether the seizure was ordered after some kind of ‘judgement by peers’ had been given against Peter. After all, Magna Carta had laid down that no one was to be disseised save by ‘the lawful judgement of his peers or by the law of the land’.  If there was no judgement, was Henry covered by the ‘law of the land’, which might be thought to sanction seizure when there was so blatant and basic a failure to fulfil  obligations?  The episode shows the power of Henry’s kingship when he chose to exercise it, for Peter was brought to heel and forced to offer his fine of 60 marks. On the other hand, the amount was hardly very large and one can imagine King John being far more punitive.  Henry himself,  admittedly for very different offences, had been far more punitive himself  in his treatment, at this time,  of John de Balliol and Robert de Ros for which see the fine of the month for last August.

This was not the first time Peter de Maulay had been in trouble with the king.  In January 1254, while in Gascony, Henry had sent a furious letter home to the queen, his regent in England (Close Rolls 12534, p.295). This complained that Peter had come out to Gascony late, and then done more harm than good. Indeed, he had insulted the king to his face, and tried to undermined the allegiance of  ‘the faithful men of England’  by persuading them to return home. Having, nonetheless, been placed in charge of fifty knights,  forming the king’s body guard, Peter  had gone off  without leave, placing the king in great peril. The queen and the home government were, therefore, ordered to ‘pay him back as you think expedient’. Given the depth of Henry’s anger, this seems a fairly mind form of punishment, and perhaps voices were already being raised on Peter’s behalf.  In the event, the letter was not sent, and Peter was soon back in favour. The storm in 1257 seems similarly to have passed away. Peter remained loyal during the subsequent civil war.  There are signs he was in financial difficulties, which perhaps explain why, in November 1258, he leased Doncaster and other properties for ten years to Simon de Montfort (Cal.Patent Rolls 1258-66, p.5)  Perhaps  Peter did not find  the great earl an altogether congenial tenant.

Peter de Maulay’s father, Peter de Maulay I,  had been one of King John’s most notorious foreign imports.  The reputed murderer of Arthur, his marriage to the Doncaster heiress had been one of the episodes which lay behind Magna Carta’s stipulation that heirs should not be ‘disparaged’ by being married to someone of a lower social class.  Henry III’s allegation that Peter de Maulay II, in Gascony, had tried to undermine the allegiance of the ‘fideles Angliae’,  suggests that he was now fully accepted as one of their number. Peter de Maulays were to continue, one after the other, as lords of Doncaster all the way down to 1438. A great deal about Peter de  Maulay I, may be found in N. Vincent’s Peter des Roches and D.A. Carpenter’s Minority of Henry III.

About another person making a fine  this week, much is known, although we are now at the level not of the baronage, but of the country gentry. Again, as in so much else, there is a Magna Carta angle. In the fine 27 down in the above image, and 27 in the translation, Thomas de Hotot offered one mark of gold (worth 10 marks of silver) to be exempted from assizes, which meant essentially he did not have to appear on juries. Thomas was lord of Clopton in Northamptonshire, and other properties, many of them acquired by his father Richard. It was Thomas who put together and partly wrote a fascinating register which contains  a family history,  surveys of  land, and records of  acquisitions. The register shows how politically aware were gentry lords for it also contained a text of the 1225 Magna Carta and the 1217 charter of the forest, as well as the charters in which King John made the kingdom a papal fief. The register is printed in A Northamptonshire Miscellany, ed. E. King (Northamptonshire Record society, xxxii, 1983).  The fine itself to be exempted from juries adds a little to our picture of Thomas’s world.  He had to come (or send) twice to court in connection with it.  The initial fine was made on 4 November 1257 at Westminster, while payment, (as a note  added to the fine shows)  was made to Peter de Rivallis, keeper of the wardrobe, at Windsor in the following January. It is a testimony to the business sense we see in the register, that Thomas paid in the whole of the one mark of gold in January, although only half was due then, the other half being due at Easter.

Thomas’s fine of gold shows that Henry was still trying to build up a gold treasure to finance the army which would help him conquer Sicily, a vain ambition if ever there was one, for which see the fine of the month for February 2012.

The ambition had recently become even vainer  because, while Henry was still receiving gold for his treasure, he was also spending it at a far quicker rate.  He had no alternative given his financial problems.  In order to spend it, Henry came up with a brilliant idea or so he thought. He would turn his treasure into his own gold coinage, the first minted in England since the Norman Conquest. The gold coin weighed two silver pennies,  and thus was worth twenty pence of silver. Unfortunately, the new coinage proved extremely unpopular.  In response, on Sunday 4 November, Henry summoned the mayor and citizens of London to come before him at the exchequer. He charged them on their allegiance to say if the new coinage was ‘of value for the common benefit of the kingdom or not’. The answer was that it was not!  This was partly because it was irrelevant for poor people whose total wealth was not worth one gold penny. It was also because (and here the goldsmith lobby spoke) because the sudden appearance of so much gold, as the king broke into his treasure to pay his expenses, was bringing down the value of the metal.  Henry, defiant, said he still wished the coinage to run, but it was not a success, which is why so few of his gold coins survive, making it the most valuable British coin at auction. The penny shows Henry sitting elegantly on his throne, crowned and holding orb and sceptre. As so often in Henry’s kingship, there was a glaring contrast between image and reality.

For an image of one of the coins, click here.

 

 

 

Henry III’s Fine Rolls Blog Sunday 29 July to Saturday 18 August 1257

Friday, August 17th, 2012

Henry III’s itinerary in these three weeks, as he girded himself for his campaign in Wales, can be traced in the fine rolls. On 30 July and 1 August he is found at Lichfield. On  7, 10, 14, 16, 17, and 18 August he is at Chester.  There he was gathering his army before moving westwards into Wales.  The campaign brought about a virtual cessation of the normal fine roll business. In this period only eleven writs were purchased to initiate and further common law legal actions.  There was, however, one very striking fine, which shows the power of Henry’s kingship, when he chose to use it, and his ability to bring low a great baron in a manner worthy of his father, King John. On 14 August at Chester, Henry accepted from the  northern baron, John de Balliol, a fine of £500. In return, Henry remitted all the rancour he had conceived against John for  his offences against the  king and queen of Scotland. He also abandoned the consequent legal action he had commenced against him. The queen of Scotland was Henry’s teenage daughter Margaret. During the course of 1255 some  alarming news had reached  Henry about her treatment. She was being kept in the gloomy castle of Edinburgh, out of sight of trees and fields and being prevented from sleeping in the same bed as her teenage husband. Both Henry and Queen Eleanor were affectionate parents. They also regarded King Alexander as an adopted sum. Nothing was more calculated to alarm than this intelligence. The result was Henry’s only journey to Scotland (with Queen Eleanor), the remodelling of Scotland’s minority government and the punishment of both Balliol, and the Northumberland baron, Robert de Ros, to whose care Margaret had been entrusted.  Matthew Paris also thought Henry had another motive, namely to get hold of Balliol’s fabled wealth. This he certainly did. As the entry on the fine rolls show, Balliol paid £100 cash down into the wardrobe (the financial office which travelled with the king.). The balance of £400 he was to pay into the wardrobe before the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, that is by 8 September. It is interesting to note that Henry was keeping control of the debt entirely in his own hands. The money was to be paid into the wardrobe, not the exchequer, and for that reason the  entry does not appear on the originalia roll, the copy of the fine roll sent to the exchequer so that he knew what money to collect. In fact, Balliol did not meet the September deadline. Instead as a later addition to the entry shows, he was given quittance of the fine in the March portion of the fine roll of the following year.  An entry there (no 374 in the translation) shows that Balliol paid into the wardrobe another £266 both towards the fine, and an amercement of 100 marks (£66) imposed on him for convictions before the king’s judges when they had visited Northumberland in 1255.  The balance of the debt was then pardoned. Between August 1257 and March 1258, Henry had, therefore, extracted £366 from Balliol. Not bad going. How lawful was Henry’s conduct? How typical was it of his kingship? Was it a factor in causing the revolution of 1258? These are questions which will be addressed in a forthcoming ‘fine of the month’.

For the membranes with Balliol’s fine and the pardon of March 1258, thirteen from bottom, click here. See also here, twenty-seven from bottom.